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Sršatý Prajz
ERICH ŠEFČÍK
(1945–2004)
Sborník k nedožitým 65. narozeninám
historika a archiváře
Vydavatelé: Jiří Hanzal, Ondřej Šefčík
Praha 2010
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Obsah
Poděkování
Předmluva vydavatelů . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Vydavatelé by rádi poděkovali všem přispěvatelům, bez nichž by tento sbor­
ník nikdy nemohl být sestaven. Velké díky také patří paní Janě Indrové ze
Zemského archivu v Opavě za pomoc při sestavování bibliografie. Děkujeme
rovněž Adéle Miklasové, Rolandu Wagnerovi, Vaidasi Šeferisovi a Aleši Bi­
čanovi za pomoc s překlady a revizí textů cizojazyčných příspěvků a resumé
a Jitce Bartošové za pomoc při editaci.
Jitka BALATKOVÁ
Erichu Šefčíkovi na rozloučenou . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 13
Erich Šefčík zum Abschied . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 14
Ladislav DREZDOWICZ
Víc než vzpomínky na Ericha:
Fotografické výstavy na zámku v Kravařích . . . . . . . . . . . .
Więcej niź tylko wspomnienie:
Wystawky fotograficzne w zamku w Krawarzu . . . . . . . . . . . . .
9
15
16
Dějiny Slezska, českých zemí a Polska.
Dějiny religiozity
Antoni BARCIAK
Kraków w średniowiecznych czeskich źródłach narracyjnych
do końca XIV wieku . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 19
Krakov v zrcadle českých narativních pramenů do konce 14. století . . . 26
Ludmila SULITKOVÁ
Městské elity ve středověku a raném novověku
(na příkladu moravského královského města Brna) . . . . . . . . 29
Stadteliten im Mittelalter und in der frühen Neuzeit
(am Beispiel der mährischen Königsstadt Brünn) . . . . . . . . . . . . 48
Recenzenti: doc. PhDr. Helena Krmíčková, Dr. (Masarykova univerzita, Brno)
doc. PhDr. Tomáš Velímský, CSc. (Univerzita Jana Evangelisty Purkyně,
Ústí nad Labem)
© ..............................
Jiří HANZAL
Cikánské varovné tabule a jejich grafické předlohy v českém
a evropském kontextu (včetně stručného přehledu dějin Cikánů
v Předních Pomořanech) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 51
Zigeunerwarntafeln und deren graphische Vorlagen
im tschechischen und europäischen Kontext (einschließlich
eines kurzen Abrisses der Geschichte der Zigeuner in Vorpommern) . . . 68
ISBN 978-80-7422-033-3
5
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Marek SKUPIEN
Z dějin hlučínských cechů . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 69
Aus der Geschichte der Hultschiner Zünfte . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 82
Tomáš KREJČÍK
Obrana heraldiky?! . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 163
Verteidigung der Heraldik?! . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 170
Janusz SPYRA
Sprawa Wacława Pilutka. Przyczynek do dziejów sądownictwa
książęcego w księstwie cieszyńskim w czasach piastowskich . . . . 85
Případ Václava Pilutka. Příspěvek k dějinám knížecího soudnictví
těšínského knížectví v piastovské době . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 94
Karel MÜLLER
Erb na portále zámku v Kravařích – k osudům jedné heraldické památky . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 171
Das Wappen auf dem Portal des Schlosses in Krawarn – zum Schicksal eines heraldischen Denkmals . . . . . . . . . . . . . 176
Blažena PRZYBYLOVÁ
Věci veřejné v rukou Okresního národního výboru v Moravské
Ostravě (od 29. října 1918 do poloviny roku 1919) . . . . . . . . . 95
Die öffentlichen Angelegenheiten in den Händen
des Bezirksnationalkomitees in Mährisch Ostrau
vom 29. Oktober 1918 bis zum 9. Oktober 1919. . . . . . . . . . . . . 104
Otakar KIRSCH
Netradiční cesta k dokumentaci regionu. Příběh muzea
německých Jihomoravanů v Klentnici v letech 1923–1945 . . . . . 177
Ein nicht traditioneller Weg zur Dokumentation einer Region.
Die Geschichte des Museums der deutschstämmigen Südmährer
in Klentnitz in den Jahren 1923–1945 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 201
Joachim BAHLCKE
Česká a slovenská historiografie reformace a konfesijního věku.
Od druhé světové války až do současnosti . . . . . . . . . . . . . 107
Die tschechische und slowakische Geschichtsschreibung zu Reformation
und konfessionellem Zeitalter. Vom Zweiten Weltkrieg bis zur Gegenwart . . 122
Radek FUKALA
Říšský acht a náboženské nepokoje v Opavě v letech 1602–1608 . . . . 123
The Imperial Interdict and Religious Unrests in Opava
between 1602 and 1608 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 132
Pomocné vědy historické:
faleristika, genealogie, heraldika.
Muzeologie
Květoslav GROWKA
Písemné prameny faleristiky . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 135
Schriftliche Quellen der Phaleristik . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 150
Rafał PRINKE
Veronika Stiebarin, the wife of Michael Sendivogius . . . . . . . 151
Veronika Stiebar, žena Michala Sendivoje . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 161
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Historický místopis a geografie
Radan KVĚT
Staré stezky (nástin stibologie) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 205
Die alten Pfade (ein Abriss der Stibologie) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 216
Ondřej ŠEFČÍK
Odra a Opava (ze slezské hydronymie) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 217
Die Flüsse Oder und Oppa (aus der Hydronymie Schlesiens) . . . . . . 223
Bibliografie
Ondřej ŠEFČÍK
Bibliografie Ericha Šefčíka . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 227
Seznam přispěvatelů . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 254
7
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Schriftliche Quellen der Phaleristik
In Kreisen der tschechischen Geschichtswissenschaft wird die Phaleristik als Wissenschaft von den tragbaren Auszeichnungen bisher nicht
als selbständige historische Hilfswissenschaft anerkannt. Während viele Quellen der Phaleristik, d. h. die Auszeichnungsgegenstände selbst
(Orden, Kreuze und Medaillen), seit langem die Aufmerksamkeit der
Laienöffentlichkeit auf sich ziehen, gilt dies für die entsprechenden
schriftlichen und bildlichen Quellen nicht. Der Beitrag bemüht sich,
die tschechische Terminologie für die schriftlichen Materialien zu ver­
einheitlichen.
Ernennungsdokumente und Verleihungsurkunden tragen immer die Bezeichnung Dekret, soweit sie nicht näher als Urkunden
oder Legitimationen spezifiziert werden können. Die Be­zeichnung
Diplom wird in der tschechischen Phaleristik nicht benutzt. Die übrigen Dokumente, die den Prozess der Auszeichnung begleiten, werden
ad hoc benannt.
übersetzt von Adéla Miklasová
Veronika Stiebarin,
the wife of Michael Sendivogius
Rafał T. Prinke
The outstanding career of the Polish alchemist Michael Sendivogius
(1566–1636) at the imperial court of Rudolf II in Prague, at the Polish
royal court in Cracow, again in Bohemia as a counsellor of Ferdinand II,
and finally in his own land estate in Kravaře and Kouty, is relatively
well known. His early life and the reasons for his close relationship
with Emperor Rudolf, however, are still a matter of conjecture. Extensive research on the genealogy of his family did not uncover any documents mentioning his supposed father Jakub Sędzimir, even though
his brothers are very well documented. In later years he did much to
prove his nobility in various formal ways, which is always suspicious
and may indicate that neither his father nor Michael himself were legitimate members of the noble class. It is also uncertain how and why
he left Poland and could study at foreign universities. Earlier authors
assumed that Mikołaj Wolski (1553–1630) was his patron and financed
his early peregrinatio academica but there are no reliable sources confirming the alchemist’s relations with him prior to 1606. It seems that
too little attention has been paid so far to the marriage of Sendivogius,
while it has always been (and still is) one of the sure ways to climb up
the social ladder. The late Roman Bugaj (1922–2009), author of the
fundamental monograph on Sendivogius,1 did not establish her identity, and neither did I in my first attempt at researching the alchemist’s
genealogy.2 When I eventually found out who she was and published
my findings,3 I was not aware of the earlier article by Erich Šefčík in
which he had already suggested her true identity, following a clue from
Franz Heiduk.4 In a later publication, however, he called her „a Nurem1
2
3
4
150
SrsatyPrajz.indd 150-151
Roman BUGAJ, Michał Sędziwój (1566–1636). Życie i pisma, Wrocław 1968.
Rafał T. PRINKE, Michał Sędziwój – pochodzenie, rodzina, herb, GENS. Kwartalnik Towarzystwa
Genealogiczno-Heraldycznego, 1992, 2, p. 33–49.
Rafał T. PRINKE, The twelfth adept. Michael Sendivogius in Rudolphine Prague, in: Ralph White (ed.),
The Rosicrucian Enlightenment revisited, Hudson, NY 1999, p. 141–192.
Erich Šefčík, Michael Sendivogius Freiherr von Skorkau. Alchemist und Herr auf Krawarn, transl. from
Czech by Antonín Měšťan, ed. by Franz Heiduk, Oberschlesisches Jahrbuch 8, 1992, p. 11–24, here p. 18
and footnote 17. (“Seine Ehefrau Veronika Stieber scheint aus dem bekannten Schwabacher Geschlecht
zu stammen, aus dem einige bekannte Naturwissenschaftler hervorgingen, eine Linie, die auch als Sti(e)bar von Buttenheim zum fränkischen Adel zählte.”)
151
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berg burgher” (norimberskou měšťankou).5 Similarly, Franz Heiduk in
his still later entry on Sendivogius does not mention his wife at all. It
seems, therefore, that both eminent scholars concluded that their earlier hypothesis was uncertain and needed more research.6 The present
article summarizes the results of my findings during the last decade.
The name of the wife of Michael Sendivogius and the area of her
origin are well testified by two contemporary sources. One is Bartosz
Paprocki (c. 1543–1614, known in Bohemia as Bartoloměj Paprocký of
Hloholy and Paprocká Vůle), the prolific genealogical author who knew
Sendivogius personally and dedicated to him one of the three parts of
his major work Ogrod krolewsky, published in Prague in 1599. A long
dedicatory letter includes a partly fictitious genealogy of the Sędzimir
family with a short mention of Michael’s wife as “Weronika s Tyberyn”,
about whose family Paprocki offers to give more details if needed. He
does, however, include a small woodblock illustration of her coat-ofarms.7 The other source is the Latin elegy written on her death (she died
of plague on October 23, 1599) by a distinguished poet and Prague university professor Ioannes Chorinnus (c. 1560–1606). It was printed only
five years later, in 1604, and the title page states the elegy is devoted to
“Veronicae Stiberiae è Nobiliss[ima] familia apud Francos oriundae”.8
The difference in the two versions of the name was obviously the result
of communicating it by Sendivogius to Paprocki in Polish, so that he
understood it as “z Tyberyn” (i.e. from Tyberyn) instead of “Stieberin”,
the German form of her maiden name. But thanks to the image of the
coat-of-arms it is easy to identify the family as Stiebar von Buttenheim in
Siebmacher’s Wappenbuch9 and other heraldic reference works.
The family belonged to Franconian knighthood, primarily the
Ritterkanton Gebürg, and was relatively important during the later
Middle Ages, with numerous members holding high administrative and
5
6
7
8
9
Erich Šefčík, Sendivoj ze Skorska, Michal (Michael), in: Milan Myška – Lumír Dokoupil (eds.), Biografický
slovník Slezska a severní Moravy, Opava – Ostrava 1995, p. 101–102 (the date of Veronika’s death in that
entry, 18.12.1599, is incorrect, probably an editorial mistake – see below). Another article on Sendivogius
published by Erich Šefčík was a bibliography of the printed editions of his works in the Tovačov collection of
Count Franz Josef Küenburg: Erich Šefčík, Alchymistické práce Michala Sendivoje v tovačovské sbírce
tisků, Časopis Slezského muzea 1978, p. 88–90.
This was confirmed by Erich Šefčík in our correspondence and personally when I had the pleasure and
honour of meeting him in Kravaře in 2002. At his suggestion I also contacted Franz Heiduk who kindly
supplied more clues.
Bartoloměj PAPROCKÝ, Ogrod krolewsky, Praha 1599, part 3, p. CXLVII.
Ioannes Chorinnus, Illustris[simae] Foeminae D. Dn. Veronicae Stiberiae è Nobiliss[ima] familia apud
Francos oriundae, illustris[simi] D. D. Michaelis Christophori Sendivogij de Skorsko & Lukovicze L[iberi]
B[aroni] Serenis[simi] Regis Poloniae Secretarij conjugis desideratissimae, quae obijt 23. Octobris, anno
1599. Pragae, Typis Danielis Sedesani. Anno M. DC. IV.
Johann Siebmacher, Newe Wappenbuch, Nürnberg 1605, Tafel 104.
152
SrsatyPrajz.indd 152-153
ecclesiastical offices, especially canons (Domherren) of Würzburg and
Bamberg.10 They originally owned Buttenheim near Bamberg and later
acquired other land estates (Rabeneck, Regensberg, Sassanfarth, Aisch)
in the same area.11 One of the most interesting and outstanding members
of the family was Daniel Stiebar von Buttenheim zu Rabeneck (1503–
1555), a canon of Würzburg, an important humanist, a lifelong friend
of Joachim Camerarius (1500–1574), a personal student of Erasmus of
Rotterdam, with whom he corresponded for many years, and a patron of
the greatest German Latin poet Petrus Lotichius Secundus (1528–1560).12
Extensive and detailed genealogies of the Franconian nobility
were compiled and published in the 18th century by Johann Gottfried
Biedermann (1705–1766), in several volumes for different Kantonen
and under slightly different titles. The genealogy of the Stiebars von
Buttenheim in their various lines covers 16 tables of the volume on
Kanton Gebürg but although there are some females named Veronika,
none of them fits chronologically.13 More recent genealogical reference
works are not helpful because the Stiebars died out and no one undertook new primary research on their genealogy. Only a recent discovery
of archival sources which actually mention Veronika and her marriage
to Michael Sendivogius provided certain and unquestionable proof
that she belonged to that family.
Records of the Imperial Chamber Court (Reichskammergericht)
in Munich, now housed in the Bavarian State Archive (Bayerisches
Hauptstaatsarchiv), contain several court cases involving “Veronika
von Absberg, geb. Stiebar von Buttenheim” from mid-1590’s, in which
she appears as the widow of Hans Ehrenfried von Absberg, Amtmann
in Baiersdorf, who died in 1592, and, most importantly, the wife of
10 A good overview of the life of Franconian knighthood in English is: Hillay Zmora, State and nobility in
early modern Germany: The knightly feud in Franconia, 1440–1567 (Cambridge Studies in Early Modern
History), Cambridge 2003.
11 So it was Upper Franconia (Oberfranken), not Swabia, as stated by Erich Šefčík.
12 Peter G. Bietenholz, Daniel Stiebar von Buttenheim of Rabeneck, in: Peter G. Bietenholz – Thomas B.
Deutscher (eds.), Contemporaries of Erasmus. A biographical register of Renaissance and Reformation,
vol. 3, Toronto 2003, p. 287–288; Eva Mayer, Daniel Stiebar von Buttenheim and Joachim Camerarius,
Würzburger Diözesangeschichtsblätter 14–15, 1952–1953, p. 485–499. An interesting numismatic source
on Daniel Stiebar was described in: G. J. Keller, Beschreibung und Erklärung einiger Denkmünzen auf
merkwürdige Franken oder auf Begebenheiten, welche Franken betreffen: Nro. 2. Denkmünze auf Daniel
Stibar von Rabeneck, Domherrn zu Würzburg, Archiv des historischen Vereines von Unterfranken und
Aschaffenburg 9, 1847, 2, p. 4–18.
13 Johann Gottfried Biedermann, Geschlechts-Register der Reichs-Frey-unmittelbaren Ritterschaft Landes
zu Francken löblichen Orts Gebürg, Bamberg 1747 (repr. Neustadt an der Aisch 1984), Tabula CCXXVIIICCXLIV. Copies of relevant pages were kindly sent to me by Dieter Weiss (Institut für Geschichte,
Friedrich-Alexander-Universität Erlangen-Nürnberg). Franz Heiduk drew my attention to the following book
but it does not mention Veronika, either: Otto Graf Seefried, Aus dem Stiebar-Archiv. Forschungen zur
Familiengeschichte von Bauer, Bürger und Edelmann in Ober- und Mittelfranken, Nürnberg 1953.
153
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“Michael Sędzimir von Skorsko”.14 She had two sons with her late
husband, Hans Ernst and Hans Heinrich von Absberg, and the cases in question concerned their situation, both financial and educational, and the land estates their mother and themselves inherited after their father’s death. Their legal guardians, Hans Konrad von und
zu Absberg and Philipp Jakob von Eyb zu Rammersdorf, accused
Veronika that she was unable to administer the inheritance because
“she had married an unknown Pole” (sich mit einem unbekannten Polen
verehelicht habe). Her new husband is later identified as an imperial
courtier (Hofdiener) Michael Sędzimir, which was the surname the
alchemist had used in matriculation records of the universities of
Leipzig (1591) and Vienna (1592), and of the family he claimed to be
a member of, so there can be no doubt it is the same person. The fact
that he indeed was a courtier of Rudolf II can also be confirmed.15 He
became a member of the imperial court on May 1, 1594 and recorded
14 Barbara Gebhardt – Manfred Hörner, Bayerisches Hauptstaatsarchiv. Reichskammergericht I,
München 1994, Nr. 15, 18, 46 (archival signatures respectively: 3151, 3152 and 3159/I-II). So far I have
only been able to inspect the first of those documents and for the content of the others I rely, for the time
being, on the detailed descriptions in this archival guide.
15 Jaroslava Hausenblasová (ed.), Der Hof Kaiser Rudolfs II. Eine Editition der Hofstaatsverzeichnisse
1576–1612 (Fontes historiae artium), Praha 2002, p. 276–277.
154
SrsatyPrajz.indd 154-155
there as a baron (freyherr von Skorsko). Since he certainly had no right
to such title himself, he must have assumed it after marrying Veronika
(as already suggested by Erich Šefčík16), either as a conscious fraud or
wrongly believing that he thus became a member of Franconian knighthood who were subject directly to the Emperor and therefore equivalent to the status of baron or “free lord”. Shortly afterwards, in July of
the same year, he entered the university of Altdorf and was enrolled as
“Michael Senzimir a Skorsko und H[err] zu Lukowiczae, Röm. Kay.
Mt. Hoffdiener”17 but, as found out by Franz Heiduk, he used the title
of baron when ordering the university coach (Universitätskutsche) for
travelling to Nuremberg on March 18, 1595.18
The records of Reichskammergericht further identify Veronika as
a daughter of Ursula von Fronhofen, at the time wife of Andreas von
Horkheim, and earlier the widow of a Stiebar von Buttenheim zu
Sassanfahrt. The guardians of the young von Absberg brothers insisted on the court that she should return the children to them because
they should be sent to Nuremberg to be educated, as in Sassanfahrt
there were no proper conditions for their upbringing. Unfortunately,
16 E. Šefčík, Michael Sendivogius, p. 18.
17 Elias von Steinmeyer (ed.), Die Matrikel der Universität Altdorf I, Würzburg 1912, p. 51.
18 E. Šefčík, Michael Sendivogius, p. 18.
155
13.8.2010 13:59:21
the given name of her first husband is not mentioned. This means that
Veronika left her sons with their grandmother in Sassanfahrt, because
the records indicate she lived with Sendivogius in Spalt, a small town
near Altdorf. A year or so later, when the Pole finished his year’s studies at the university there in July of 1595, the couple with their one
year old son Krzysztof and maybe also the daughter Veronika Maria
(born c. 1596), the future heiress of Kravaře and Kouty, left Franconia
behind and travelled to Prague. Once there, Sendivogius made an
unsuccessful attempt at obtaining from Rudolf II the land estate of
Libochovice with a beautiful castle “for his wife and children”, probably as compensation for the land property left in Franconia.19 It had
been confiscated from Jiří of Lobkovic, leader of the Catholic opposition, and held by the state until 1610 when Rudolf granted it to Adam
of Šternberk.
It must have been a traumatic experience for her to part with the two
elder sons, with the mother, and other relatives and friends. There seems to be no other explanation for her decision to marry Sendivogius
than enchantment by and romantic love for the Polish wandering student. The question is, however, whether on the part of Sendivogius it
was also a matter of love or maybe rather calculation. Marrying a wealthy widow from a family of high social standing was certainly opening
the door to new contacts and career possibilities. After Veronika’s death he attempted to do the same and when the proper mourning period
elapsed, in 1603 or 1604, he got engaged to another wealthy landowner
Anna of Štampach, the widow of Jiří Belvic of Nostvice, but the engagement was broken because he had left Bohemia, as Anna explained
at court in Prague.20
Instead of treating Sendivogius as just a cynical seducer whose only
intention was to find a rich wife, let us also consider a possibility that
their marriage was a result of mutual interests, perhaps some intellectual contacts and relationships with her family circle. Returning
to Veronika’s mother, neither the line “zu Sassanfahrt”, nor any other
line of the Stiebars in Biedermann’s genealogies show Ursula von
Fronhofen as a wife of its member. The tables for the von Absberg
family in another volume do not mention Veronika Stiebarin as a wife
of Hans Ehrenfried, listing only Kunegunda von Wirtzberg (maybe
his earlier wife), even though the two sons of Veronika are included.21
The table of the von Fronhofens in the same volume, however, shows
Ursula as first the wife of “Herr Christoph Stiebar von Buttenheim zu
Buttenheim und Aisch, anno 1571”, and then of “Herr Andreas von
Horchheim”.22 But that Christoph in the Stiebar tables is clearly described as having died unmarried,23 so the information from Biedermann is
far from reliable (in fact he is notorious for omissions and errors). A detailed monograph on the von Absbergs by Heinrich Wilhelm, on the
other hand, lists Veronika Stiebar as the wife of Hans Ehrenfried and
identifies her further as a daughter of Erhard Stiebar von Buttenheim
zu Regensberg,24 who is totally unknown to Biedermann. Wilhelm
used original documents and provided references (in this case to the
parish records of Gunzenhausen), so he is certainly more reliable than
Biedermann. And, what is more important, Erhard Stiebar’s existence
can be confirmed by other sources.
The aforementioned humanist Daniel Stiebar financed the academic travels of their three close relatives, Erhard, Martin and Heinrich
Stiebar,25 who went to study medicine in Paris in 1550 (or 1551) and
then in Montpellier in 1553 with the poet Petrus Lotichius Secundus as
their tutor,26 who later wrote epigrams and elegies dedicated to them.27
They also studied in Wittenberg under Philip Melanchton, another friend of Daniel, even though the Stiebars remained Roman Catholics.28
All three are called his nephews in modern biographical accounts of
Lotichius and Stiebar, but in Biedermann’s genealogies only one brother of Daniel, Achatius, had children including three sons: Martin,
Heinrich and Daniel. One might be willing to think that Daniel was
19 Sendivogius to Rudolf II, Prague, February 10, 1597. Wien, Österreichisches Staatsarchiv, Haus-, Hof- und
Staatsarchiv, Habsburgisch–Lothringische Hausarchive, Familien-Korrespondenz A, Karton 4, fol. 271,
274. Electronic edition by Manfred Staudinger in Documenta Rudolfina:http://documenta.rudolphina.org/
Regesten/A1597–02–10–01404.xml.
20 Zigmund WINTER, Život církevní v Čechách. Kulturně-historický obraz z XV. a XVI. století, Praha 1895,
p. 133. She then married Jan Lorenc of Žerotín, much younger than herself and as his first wife, which
shows how attractive a candidate for wife she was.
21 Johann Gottfried Biedermann, Geschlechtsregister der Reichsfrey unmittelbaren Ritterschaft Landes zu
Franken löblichen Orts an der Altmühl, Bayreuth 1748 (repr. Neustadt an der Aisch 1987), Tabula CLXXII.
I am grateful to Peter Braun for electronic copies of relevant tables from this volume.
22 Ibid., Tabula CXCVI.
23 J. G. Biedermann, Geschlechts-Register … Gebürg, Tafel CCXXII. (war bekannt anno 1571 und †
unvermählt).
24 Heinrich Wilhelm, Die Edlen von und zum Absberg. Ein Beitrag zur fränkischen Geschichte, AltGunzenhausen 8, 1931, p. 3–197, here p. 125–128. I am indebted to Hillay Zmora for a copy of relevant
fragments of this monograph.
25 Some older literature give their names as Gabriel, Erhard and Dimar, which is incorrect and is probably
ultimately derived from: J. G. E.[first names not known] Bernstein, Biographie des Lotichius Secundus,
Zeitschrift für die Provinz Hanau 1839, p. 181–196, 360–388, here p. 193.
26 Stephen Zon, Petrus Lotichius Secundus, neo-Latin poet, New York 1983, p. 157–169.
27 Carl Traugott Kretzschmar (ed.), Petrus Lotichius Secundus. Poemata quae exstant omnia, Dresden
1773, p. 112–115 (Elegia XI. ad Erhardum Stibarum in Peregrinatione in Hispaniam), p. 261–262 (Elegia
XXXIII. Epitaphium Henrici Stibari, equitis Franci), p. 400–401 (XVII. Ad Martinum Stibarum. In natalem
servatoris). There are also three poems dedicated to Daniel Stiebar and one about his death.
28 Heinz Scheible – Walter Thüringer (eds.), Melanchthons Briefwechsel VII, Heidelberg 1993, p. 230.
156
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identical with Erhard but it is not possible for several reasons. He was
much younger, born from the second marriage of his father, and like
him he was a canon in Würzburg so remained unmarried and died as
the last of that line.
Two persons named Erhard Stiebar are well documented in the
family chronicle of Lazarus Spengler (1479–1534), the scribe of the
council of Nuremberg and a leading promoter of the Reformation
in that city. His niece Susanna von Hirnkofen, a daughter of his sister Margaretha and Georg von Hirnkofen, married in 1533 Erhard
Stiebar von Regensberg, and they had a son also named Erhard, born
in 1536.29 Thus he would have been 14 years old in 1550, just the right
age when university education was typically started, and about 34 in
1570, about which time Veronika must have been born, which was also
rather standard for a man’s first marriage. It can thus be assumed that
this Erhard von Stiebar was the father of Michael Sendivogius’s wife.
His correct place within the genealogy of the Stiebars could only be
reconstructed on the basis of the source data on Franconian knighthood amassed by Hellmut Kunstmann in his books on castles in
Franconia.30 His father had three brothers, so he cannot have been
a brother of Daniel and Achatius (Achaz). On the other hand, Erhard
was a legal guardian (Vormund) of the younger Daniel in 1562 as his
closest relative, as his two brothers had already been dead. It is therefore practically certain that Erhard senior was a first cousin of Daniel,
the humanist. The father of Erhard and his three brothers may have
been a Jakob who owned the same land estate in 1507 which they
shared in 1523. Such reconstruction of the genealogy of this line of the
Stiebars also allows for Erhard to be called Daniel’s nephew, as he indeed was one but of the second degree rather than the first, as was the
case with Martin and Heinrich. This is, nevertheless, standard usage of
the Latin term “nepos” at the time.
Erhard Stiebar was not only well educated at the leading universities of Paris, Montpellier and Wittenberg but also wrote elegant
Latin and poetry from a very early age. Unfortunately, only one specimen of his writings is known, namely a dedicatory letter to Erasmus
Neustetter called Stürmer (1523–1594) concerning his tutor Petrus
Lotichius, written in 1553 (or 1554) from Montpellier.31 Neustetter was
a Franconian nobleman and an important humanist, theologian and
patron who was brought up at the house of Daniel Stiebar, where he
mastered ancient and modern languages, and later held many high
ecclesiastical and other offices, including that of the first rector of the
newly founded University of Würzburg. He also corresponded with
Joachim Camerarius and other intellectuals. Erhard Stiebar certainly met him at his uncle’s house and kept in contact with him while
on the academic peregrination. The letter was such a good specimen
of Latin and expressed so interesting ideas about poetry that it was
copied by others, including the great English poet Edmund Spenser
(1552–1599).32
One of the most interesting aspects of the close relationship, both
intellectual and genealogical, of Erhard Stiebar, the father-in-law of
Michael Sendivogius, with Daniel Stiebar is the latter’s patronage of
and friendship with Johann Georg Faust (1480/81 or 1466–1536/39
or 1540/41), an astrologer, alchemist and itinerant magician, the original “Dr. Faustus” of later legends. Their close friendship is known
from the correspondence between Joachim Camerarius and Daniel
Stiebar, and shows that Erhard’s uncle was quite interested in the occult sciences.33 Daniel may also have met Paracelsus (1493–1541) himself because at the time when he stayed in Erasmus’s house in Basel
in 1528, Paracelsus was the city physician of Basel and in contact with
Erasmus. Another meeting may have taken place in Nuremberg in
1529, which would further confirm Daniel’s great passion for the new
alchemical medicine.34
Recollections of Faustus and Paracelsus, the two “icons” of
Renaissance esoteric lore who were certainly often remembered in
Daniel Stiebar’s conversations with his nephews, must have exerted lasting influence on them. As students of medicine in Paris and
Montpellier, they certainly discussed Paracelsian medicine (even though it was not accepted there), and when studying under Melanchton
they may have heard his criticisms against Faustus and Paracelsus, with
29 Berndt Hamm, Lazarus Spengler (1479–1534). Der Nürnberger Ratsschreiber im Spannungsfeld von
Humanismus und Reformation, Politik und Glaube, (Reihe Spätmittelalter und Reformation. Neue Reihe
Bd. 25) Tübingen 2004, p. 396, 404, 408. The book contains „Familienbüchlein Spengler” edited by Gudrun
Litz on p. 348–402 and genealogical tables on p. 403–410.
30 Hellmut Kunstmann, Die Burgen der östlichen Fränkischen Schweiz, (Darstellungen aus der Fränkischen
Geschichte. Band 20) Würzburg, 1965; ibid., Die Burgen der westlichen und nördlichen Fränkischen
Schweiz, (Darstellungen aus der Fränkischen Geschichte. Band 28: Teil 1 & 2) Würzburg 1972.
31 S. Zon, Petrus Lotichius Secundus, p. 193; Thomas Baier, Die Imitatio antiker Vorbilder durch Petrus
Lotichius Secundus am Beispiel der Magdeburg Elegie (2, 4), in: Ulrike Auhagen – Eckart Schäfer (eds.),
Lotichius und die römische Elegie, Tübingen 2001, p. 97–114, here p. 97.
32 Lee Piepho, Edmund Spenser and neo-latin literature. An autograph manuscript on Petrus Lotichius and
his poetry, Studies in Philology 100, 2003, s. 123–34, the letter is edited and translated on p. 131–133.
33 Frank BARON, Doctor Faustus. From history to legend, München 1978, p. 393 (“Cammerarius’s letter reveals that Daniel Stibar was a good friend of Faustus, and in occult matters Faustus was Stibar’s mentor.”)
34 Gisela Schmitt, Alte und Neue Welt. Die Beziehungen des Joachim Camerarius zum Konquistador
Philipp von Hutten, in: Rainer Kössling – Günther Wartenberg (eds.), Joachim Camerarius, Leipziger
Studien zur Klassischen Philologie IV, Tübingen 2003, p. 303–335, on Stiebar p. 325–328.
158
159
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both of whom he also had been in brief contact.35 Thus the intellectual
atmosphere of Erhard Stiebar’s family and his circle of correspondents
and friends was surely favourable towards that type of learning and
his (probably only) daughter may well have participated in it but, like
most females of that period, did not have a chance to present her interests to the public.36 The fact that at one point between 1591 and 1594
Michael Sendivogius somehow entered that circle only confirms this
assumption. It is certainly speculation, but perhaps she was charmed
by Sendivogius when he discussed natural philosophy and alchemy
with her as if she were a man.
Besides possible intellectual and maybe physical attractions that the
young widow had to offer, she was also a rich person and thus could be
a target of various kinds of matrimonial frauds. The Stiebar genealogy
shows two large branches that parted quite early and Erhard was most
probably the last male member of one of them, so that Veronika became the heiress to their all possessions. This is again confirmed by the
records of Reichskammergericht, where three living representatives
of the other main branch of the family, Albrecht, Pankraz and Georg
Sebastian Stiebar von Buttenheim, are called the nearest relatives of
the sons of Veronika in 1598. But even if she formally had the rights to
such inheritance, her family and friends did their best to prolong the
formalities through legal actions, so that the land estates did not pass
into the hand of an “unbekannte Pole”.
Whether her natural virtues, intelligence or wealth appealed most to
Sendivogius when he first met her, they seem to have been a happy loving couple. The Polish alchemist bought a house with a garden called
Fumberk in Jílové u Prahy from the widow of Edward Kelley and intended to settle down there with his family. Unfortunately, after barely
five years of their marriage, Veronika and their one year old son Henry
Christian (Henryk Krystian) died of plague in 1599. She was survived
by their elder son Christopher Michael (Krzysztof Michał), who later
studied at the universities of Prague and Cracow but probably died
before 1636, and by their daughter Veronika Maria, the sole heiress of
Kravaře and Kouty after her father’s death.
Veronika Stiebar, žena Michala Sendivoje
35 Stefan Rhein, Melanchthon und Paracelsus, in: Joachim Telle (ed.), Parerga Paracelsica. Paracelsus
in Vergangenheit und Gegenwart, Heidelberger Studien zur Naturkunde der frühen Neuzeit III, Stuttgart
1991, p. 57–74.
36 One of a handful of notable exceptions was Elizabeth Jane Weston (1581–1612), an accomplished Latin
poet known as Westonia, a step-daughter of the alchemist and magician Edward Kelley, certainly well
known to Sendivogius in Prague (it is even possible that he lived with her mother after Kelley’s death in
1597).
Kariéra polského alchymisty Michala Sendivoje (1566–1636) na dvorech císaře Rudolfa II. a krále Zikmunda III. Vasy, později i Ferdinanda II. i jeho poslední léta života jako majitele panství Kravaře a Kouty
jsou dost známé. Záhadou je počátek jeho kariéry a doba studia. Nové
detaily, týkající se jeho manželství mnohé objasňují, ale také před nás
stavějí nové otázky. Veronika, Sendivojova žena a matka přinejmenším
tří z jeho dětí, která zemřela 1599, pocházela z francké rytířské rodiny
Stiebar von Buttenheim.
Až dosud nebylo známo její místo v genealogii rodiny. Jak se ukazuje, když se vdávala za Sendivoje, byla již vdovou po prvním muži,
Hansi Ehrenfriedovi von Absberg (zemřel 1592) a byla matkou dvou
synů. Její následné manželství s „neznámým Polákem“ se setkalo s od-
160
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porem příbuzných, ale Veronika opustila děti a odjela s novým manželem do Prahy, kde se Sendivoj stal dvořanem Rudolfa II. jako „Baron
von Skorsko“ a navíc se domáhal na císaři i statku Libochovice pro
svou ženu.
Zjištěná genealogie její rodové větve ukazuje, že Veroničin
otec Eduard studoval spolu se dvěma bratranci medicínu v Paříži
a v Montpellieru, kde je jako opatrovník doprovázel největší latinsky
píšící básník Německa Petrus Lotichius Secundus, ale také u Filipa
Melanchtona ve Wittenberku. Studia mu financoval strýc Daniel
Stiebar, významný humanista, žák Erasma z Rotterdamu, přítel
Joachima Cameraria (Camerarius) a Johanna Georga Fausta, pravzoru legendárního „Doktora Fausta“. Znal se osobně také s Paracelsem
a je tedy možné se domnívat, že za manželstvím Michala Sendivoje
a Veroniky Stiebarové nebyla jen touha po společenském vzrůstu
a zisku majetku, ale svůj význam mohla mít i intelektuální atmosféra
Veroničiny rodiny, ba i její vlastní zájem o přírodní filosofii.
Přeložil Ondřej Šefčík
Obrana heraldiky?!
Tomáš KREJČÍK
Erich Šefčík byl zkušeným znalcem historie českého Slezska a svými
studiemi a články přispěl k posunutí našeho historického poznání
v mnoha směrech. Nechci zde hodnotit přínos jeho díla, ale připomínám, že značná část jeho publikačních aktivit patřila pomocným vědám
historickým, zejména numismatice, sfragistice, heraldice, diplomatice a dějinám správy. Erich Šefčík byl uznávaným znalcem heraldiky
a sfragistiky. I v těchto oborech se zaměřoval na oblast českého Slezska
a severní Moravy. Aniž bychom chtěli na tomto místě vše připomínat,
je zřejmé, že se zaměřil na sfragistiku, heraldiku a numismatiku těšínských Piastovců,1 těšínských cechů2 a další témata. Pro genealogy byly
podnětné jeho informace o českých organizacích v Americe.
Název svého příspěvku jsem si vypůjčil od G. K. Chestertona, snad
to není neskromné. Chesterton bránil heraldiku proti předsudkům,
které považují erby za elitářské a heraldiku neprávem spojují s temným středověkem. Chesterton vystihl přesně postavení heraldické
symboliky v demokratické společnosti a jeho závěry jsou dodnes živé.3
Podobně jako Chesterton vnímal u nás Břetislav Štorm, který v erbovních figurách a symbolech viděl připomínku klasických ctností a postojů, které po staletí formovaly evropské myšlení.4
Pokusme se krátce naznačit, v čem je potřeba heraldiku „bránit“
a v čem je její síla. Začít můžeme otázkou výchovy dalších generací
heraldiků a genealogů. Reformy vysokého školství v celé Evropě, důraz na studium dějin 20. století a další okolnosti někdy vytlačují pomocné vědy historické a mezi nimi heraldiku na okraj zájmu studentů.
Mění se i profil archiváře. Uzavřené historické fondy jsou zpracovány
a archiváři hledají cesty, jak uchovat produkty informační společnosti,
a proto heraldiku při rutinní práci takřka nepotřebují. To se dříve nebo
později promítne i v studijních plánech vysokoškolských oborů.
1
2
3
4
162
SrsatyPrajz.indd 162-163
Erich ŠEFČÍK, Pečeti těšínských Piastovců, Ostrava 1982; TÝŽ, Heraldische Bilder auf den Siegeln der
Piasten von Těšín (Teschen), Adler 15, 1989, 4, s. 118–120.
TÝŽ, Tři neznámé pečetě těšínských cechů ze 17. – 18. století, Těšínsko 1980, 1, s. 21.-23; TÝŽ,
Pěstování pomocných věd historických v opavských muzeích, in: Sborník III. setkání genealogů a heraldiků v Ostravě, uspořádal Karel Müller, Ostrava 1986, s. 195–198.
Gilbert Keith CHESTERTON, Obrana heraldiky, Erbovní knížka na rok 1939, s. 84–87; později přetištěno
in: Heraldika a jílovští těžaři, katalog výstavy, Jílové u Prahy 1964, nestr.
Tomáš KREJČÍK, Břetislav Štorm – památkář, grafik, architekt, heraldik a spisovatel, Genealogické a heraldické informace 1997, s. 36–41.
163
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Sršatý Prajz
ERICH ŠEFČÍK
(1945–2004)
Sborník k nedožitým 65. narozeninám
historika a archiváře
Uspořádali: Jiří Hanzal a Ondřej Šefčík
Vydalo NLN, s.r.o. – Nakladatelství Lidové Noviny,
Dykova 15, 101 00 Praha 10
ISBN: 978-80-7422-033-3
Vydání první
255 stran
Praha 2010
lnit
dop
SrsatyPrajz.indd 256
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