Regional Development of Prague and Application of The 4

European EnvironmenL
F.ur. F.nv. r8,
9(i-ro9 (zoo8)
Published onlirre 9 January zoo8 in Wiley InterScience
(www.interscrence.wiley.com) DOI: ro.rooz/eet.47o
Regional Development of Pragu€, and
Application of the Four-Capital Model
to the lssue of Urban Sprawl
Jiii Blaiek,'k Pavel Csank, Marie MaceSkovd, lvana S;ikorov:i and Pavla Zftalov|
Faculty of Science, Charles lJniversity in Prague, Prague, Czech Republic
ABSTRACT
This paper is part of the Special lssue of European Environmenf devoted to the outputs
of the EU SRDTOOLS project,' which has developed and applied a new model of
regional sustainable development evaluation. The paper demonstrates how the SRDTOOLS methodology has been practically applied for the case of Prague, and the
constraints to application ofthe methodologythat have arisen during its usage in real
conditions. A significant part of the paper is devoted to exploring the regional strategic
programming documents and the regional developmental objective review in terms of
the four-capital model. Subsequently, the process of urban sprawl has been selected
to test deeply the methodology of trade-offs, critical trends and thresholds. Copyright
@ zoo8 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd and ERP Environment.
Received t5 Septermber zoo6; revised
jo
Moy zooT; accepted 6 September zooT
Keywords: regional development, sustainability, evaluation, programming documents, 4-Capital model, trade-offs, problems
solving
Introduction
HE CITY OF PRACUE WAS SELECTED FOR TESTINC THE SRDTOOLS METHODOLOCY WITHIN THE
Czech Republic case study for several reasons. First, in the Czech Republic, self,governing regions
were established only in fanuary zoor. Therefore, the Czech regions are still constrained by many
very basic challenges and duties (BlaZek, zoo5). However, the city of Prague has been already
functioning as a self-governing entity since the collapse ofcommunism. Second, the competences of regions
are rather limited, particularly due to the fact that the system of public administration operated for a decade
without any self-governing bodies on the level of regions. Consequently, municipalities have acquired significant competence (and remarkable financial resources), while regions remained rather weak.
Therefore, the selection of the city of Prague helps to cope with both described problems, as the
financial strength of Prague allows it to allocate significant resources for investment and development
(the city of Prague is at the same time a self-governing region and municipality). Moreover, as the city
,YCorrespondence to:
Jiif BlaZek, Faculty of Science, Charles University in Prague, Prague, Czech Republic. E-mail: [email protected]
"Methods and tools for evaluating the impact of cohesion policies on sustainable regional development' (SRDTOOLS), a Framework 6 project,
DG Research Conuacl Number SCS8-CT-zoo4-5o2485; see http://www.srdtools.info/index.htm
Copyright
O 2oo8 lohn
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Regional Development of Prague and lssue of Urban Sprawl
97
of Prague belongs to one of the most swiftly growing regions in Central Europe, it fbces various challenges regarding its development. The key developmental challenge selected for testing the SRD'|OOLS
methodology is related to urban sprawl
in Prague's hinterland.
r.z million inhabitants; t43o/o of EUz5 per capita average of CDP in zoo4; unemploymenl rate 3-4%".
The dominant sector of the city is the service sector, which accounts for 8o%o of CDP and 75%o of employment in
Prague.
The region is highly attractive for foreign investors (e.g. DHL, Accenture, Siemens).
Prague has a highly skilled workforce. The share of the total population holding a university degree is almost 2o7o (twice
the national average).
In Prague, there are about 8oooo university students, ofwhom almost toooo are studying for a PhD degree and about
55oo are members of teaching staff.
In Prague, there are also 4o institutes ofthe Academy ofSciences ofthe Czech Republic and 5o other research institutes.
Consequently, about a halfofthe scientific and research potential ofthe Czech Republic is concentrated in Prague.
According to the European Cities Monitor, a survey of business attractiveness in Europe's top 3o cities since the t99os,
the city ofPrague has risen from zoth place to r3th-r4th place.
The electorate of the city of Prague with minor fluctuations exhibits a clear preference for the right wing Civic Democratic
Party in both national and local elections.
Using the four criteria outlined by P. Larddo (zoo5) (institutional, economic, regional knowledge base and connectivity),
it seems that Prague's main weakness is the lack of connectivity among relevant actors.
Main developmental challenges are management of transport (public but also completion of outer and city ring roads,
extension of the airport and building the link to the city centre), waste-water management, flood prevention, fight against
crime, prevention of dilapidation of huge housing estates built under socialism from low-quality prefabricated materials, development of a poly-centric city and strengthening of the competitive position of Prague in the Central European
context.
Box
r.
Profile ofthe city of Prague
Source: adapted from Bohemian Regional Innovation Strategy, Strategic Plan and Czech Statistical Office.
Review of Regional Development Obiectives
Generally, it can be stated that there is only a limited tradition in eflective usage of strategic/programnring documents in the Czech Republic (BlaZek and Voz6b, zoo4). Especially on the regional and local
levels, sfiategic documents are often considered to be a mere exercise without any practical relevance.
However, particularly due to European Union pressure, national and to some extent regional authori
ties have bien required to attempt to practice using strategic/programming documents. Even if some
has been made, learning how to use those documents properly will take more time.
progress
In Prague, there are four significant programming documents addressing socio-economic developrnent - the Strategic Plan for Prague, SPD z (Single Programming Document,' focused on revitalization and business environment), SPD 3 (focused on human resources) and the Bohemian Regional
Innovation Strategy (BRIS). From the content point of view, the Strategic Plan has the broadest focus,
covering all spheres in the sense of the four-capital model (although in different detail). Moreover, it has
been declared that the Strategic Plan represents the reference basis for the other three programming
d6cuments in terms of developmental goals. However, such declarations should be viewed as formal,
and therefore the evaluation of the regional development goals of all programming documents has been
,The Single programming Docunent represents one form of strategic document of which elaboration was a pre-condition fbr provision of the
EU support via Structural Funds within the programming period zooo-zoo6
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Strategic plan fcrr Prague
Integration of Prague into the European structures
Reinforce Prague's function as a centre of innovation
and highly qualified labour
improvement in housing market - improvement of
housing availability
Development of secure and sustainable transport
system and increase ofits accessibility
Economical and ecological treatment of energy, water
and other resources
Increase in the quality of public management
Decentralization of Prague's spatial structure
SPD z
SPD
Bla2ek et al.
B
3
RIS
,
x
Set up optimal conditions for
doing business
Creation of flexible labour
market
Integration of socially
disadvantaged groups of
peoPre
t. Consistency of explicitly defined strategic objectives among analysed documents
Source: Elaborated on the basis ofStrategic Plan for Prague, SPD z, SPD 3, BRIS.
Table
conducted. While the BRIS deals with a specific objective set out in the Strategic Plan, on the other hand
the potential focus of SPD 2 and SPD 3 are to a large extent defined irr the corresponding Commission
regulation $25o1ry99). Consequently, apart from the Strategic Plan, the programming documents are
targeted only on specific pillars in terms of the four-capital methodology.
Table r illustrates the consistency at the level of explicitly defined strategic objectives in individual
programming documents. As already mentioned, the Strategic Plan articulates the most comprehensive
(in terms of the number and range of themes) strategy, having seven strategic objectives. Nevertheless,
defined strategic goals do not cover the sphere of social capital, which is encompassed within SPD 3.
The thematic differences do not represent any competitive (alternative) development strategy. SPD 3
represents rather the extension of the strategy into the fields that were omitted from the Strategic Plan.
A high level of consistency was found between SPD z and the Strategic Plan. Even if one additional
objective was detected, this difference was not confirmed at the level of measures proposed.
To sum up, although there are four programming documents dealing with regional development in
Prague, these documents follow a single regional development strategy. The strategy is set out in the
Strategic Plan for Prague and the other analysed documents are consistent with it. The consistency was
found out at the level of sfiategic objectives as well as proposed measures.
The evaluation of the strategy from a sustainable development point of view is inevitably connected
with the question of the internal coherence of the strategy. As the key issues of sustainability emerge
from the conflicts between different spheres (capitals) of reality, a strategy cannot be'sustainable' if it is
not internally coherent (in the sense of interconnections between different fields of development). Due
to this fact the evaluation was focused on the following questions.
r.
Does the strategy recognize and seek to reconcile constraints on parricular forms of development?
In other words, does the sffategy pay special attention to those aspects of development involving
sphere(s) with a (potential) negative effect on the other sphere(s)l
z.
Does the strategy contain any specific measures targeted on the handling of the inevitable conflicts
stemrning from the realities of complex development processes?
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3. To what extent are the goals relating to the different spheres of the fbrir-capital model integrated or
separatedl
Only two out of seven strategic objectives are explicitly related to the environmental dimension of
sustainable development (see Table r).r The most obvious sustainability conflict, i.e. conflict between
economic development and the need for environmental sustainability, is clearly reflected in the strategy.
However, this does not mean at all that the sftategy is sustainability oriented. There are a number of
unresolved conflicts between development and sustainabiiity objectives. In fact, a reference to environmental sustainability is currently used as a 'trendy supplement' to every socio-economic strategy in the
Czech Republic.
The regional strategic objectives are further specified througtr priorities. In the context of the
priority was evaluated on the basis of explicitly defined objectives and
intended impacts, and classified in accordance with the four-capital model (see Table z). However, the
evaluation of such relations is inevitably to a certain extent subjective. Again, the crucial aim of the
strategy embodies in the sphere of economic growth (the majoriy - 23 of 3o - circumscribed objectives are directly linked to man-made capital; the majority of other goals is indirectly focused on the
SRDTOOL.S project, each
economic development). Moreover, the proposed measures involving natural, human and social capitals
are focused on either the creation of favourable conditions for economic growth or mitigation of the
most adverse impacts of economic development. The proclaimed strategic goals are not targeted on
the enhancement of the other capitals' quality. Eventually, even if the conflict between man-made and
natural capitals is recognized within the strategy, implicitly economic growth is preferred to environmental sustainability.
Due to the fact that the shategy reflects only conflict between man-made and nahrral capital, only
limited number of specific measures could be incorporated within the strategy. Indeed, except for one
priority devoted to the natural capital, the others are primarily targeted to mitigate negative impacts of
increasing man-made capital (or more precisely enhancement of economic development). Therefore, it
can be stated that there are no specific measures primarily designed to tackle the conflicts stemming
from the need for complex socio-economic development. However, it is obvious that some measures
designed to increase certain capitals can positively influence adverse impacts of the conflicts among
different capitals.
Submission of the objectives in the spheres of naturai, human and social capital to the need of economic growth is apparent from the following observations. First, from Table z it can be seen that zr out
of 3o priorities have synergies involving more than one capital. In other words, zr priorities set out in
the strategic programming documents for Prague are assigned to enhance the quality of two or more
capitals 'at once'. Subsequently, an internal coherence ofstrategy for Prague can be assessed by analysing
types of inter-capital synergy (see Table 3). Table J expresses the number of priorities according to the
type of inter-capital synergy; for instance, there are nine priorities oriented on increasing both man-made
and human capitals (e.9. the priority 'improvement of infrastructure and conditions for pedestrians and
cycling'or'enhancement of economic competitiveness through activation of innovation potential'- see
Table z). However, apart from a single case of synergy between human and social capital, all other identified synergies involve man-made capital (see Table 3). This fact (together with the highest number of
priorities focused on this type of capital) underpins the claim that economic development (i.e. increase
in man-made capital) represents the core of Prague's development strategy.
rThese are development ofa secure and ecological transport system and increase in its accessibility, and economical and ecological featment
ofenergy, water and other resources. The sustainability dimension can be found also in the strategic objective ofdecentralization ofPrague's
sDatial stmcture.
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l.
Priority in strategic plan for Prague
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
Man-made
capital
Europe
#
#
Enhance economic competitiveness through
activation of innovation potential
Prague as respected capital and helpful neighbour
Management of business activities in the capacity
context (esp. tourism)
Management and reduction of motoring
+
Enhance Prague's status as a significant centre in
Enhance the attractiveness
of public transPort
Development of key transport infrastructure
lmorove infrastructure and conditions for
pedestrians and cycling
Renovation offresh water infrastructure
+
Human
capital
Social
capital
#
#
#
T
#
t
+
Ensure ecological waste-water management
Enhance the efficiency of energy consumption
Ensure European standard of ICT infrastructure
Natural
capital
Blaiek et al.
#
#
#
+
+
+
#
lmorove all elements of natural environment
Enhance the sustainability of waste management
#
+
+
+
lmprove the harmony between urban and natural
environ ments
Maintain the historic and cultural heritage
Support the function of Prague as a centre of
culture and humanity
+
#
.
Accelerate housing construction and maintain
existing housing estates
.
Support the image of Prague as a secure
metropolis for its inhabitants and visitors
.
Activate public commitment and enhance
.
.
.
.
patriotism
#
Create conditions for manifold activities
+
.
.
+#
#
#
T
Create multi-central city
Maintain the architectonic capital of Prague
Enhance the position of Prague in the state system
#
of public administration
+
#
#
Enhance the efficiency of public administration
Intensifr ICT use in public administration
Additional priorities from the other programming documents:
.
.
.
.
Brownfield regeneration (SPD z)
Active labour market policy (SPD 3)
Integration of socially disadvantaged groups of people
Support for life-long learning
z. Coherence of the strategy according to the four capitals
Source: Elaborated on the basis ofStrategic Plan for Prague, SPD z, SPD 3, BRIS.
++ means the focus of oblectives of given priority; + relates to concrete activities or secondary obiectives
Table
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Type
of inter-capital synergy
Man-made + natural capital
Man-made + human capital
Man-made + social capital
Natural + human capital
Natural + social capital
Human + social capital
Total
Table
j.
Sou rce:
N
umber of priorities
9
7
o
I
2l
Internal coherence of strategy for Prague
'Table
z.
Regional Trends and Trade-Offs and Selected policy Choices
From a methodological point of view it is desirable to distinguish between trade-offs on the policy/programming level and on the project level. At the same time, when assessing the trade-offs among the
four capitals, it is necessary to distinguish the character of trade-offs on different hierarchical levels.
The following five issues, which Prague is currently facing, can serve as good examples involving
clear trade-offs among capitals:
(r) urban sprawl (suburbanization)
(z) brownfield versus greenfield
(3) housing estates versus social polarizaion
(4) development of transport infrastructure versus environment
(5) extension of Prague airport.
Four out of five listed issues concern the conflict between man-made and natural capital. As already
sfiessed, this conflict is explicitly incorporated within the developmental strategy for Prague, and represents the most significant trade-off in a broad sense in the four-capital model. Only the third issue serves
as an example of conflict between man-made and social capital. Nevertheless, it should be pointed out
that all selected challenges (trade-offs) are closely interconnected.
Initially, it was decided to explore the nature of the trade-offs more deeply with the four-capital model
(Dahlstrom and Ekins, 2oo5) by focusing on suburbanization and the extension of Prague airport.
However, due to the fact that the Prague airport extension is more in the nature of a project than a
programme and the whole process is strictly regulated by law, eventually it was decided that the issue
of suburbanization gave more scope for the analysis. Nonetheless, the initial assessment of the Prague
airport suggested that the four-capital model and the methodological principles of trade-offs and (critical)
thresholds could be usefully applied even at the level of projects, in particular for large ones concerning
a conflict between man-made and natural capital, but also for others). Obviously projects of such a kind
are evaluated within the EIA procedure; nevertheless, it might be beneficial to incorporate the method
of trade-offs and thresholds within the EIA methodology.
The Process of Suburbanization in the Prague Hinterland
In Prague's hinterland (as generally in the whole Czech Republic), urban sprawl has not been regarded
by politicians as a serious problem yet, despite the fact that migration of better off inhabitants out of
the city is already a well documented phenomenon (see Figure r).
Consequently, the process of suburbanization has not been explicitly addressed by any public urban
policy, and therefore it has not been purposely regulated in order to follow principles of sustainable
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Blailek et al.
Population growth index
1391.2001 t1991*100)
59-sg,s
100 - 10s, g
110 - 129" g
130 - 159,
160 - 3S?
I
r\
tl
P'l
t{intrrland of Pragr*
Figurer. population change in city parts and municipalities of Prague Metropolitan Area in t99t-zoot
Source: Slikora, 1., Ouiedniiek, M. (zoo7)
policies
development (Sykora, 2oo5). Nevertheless, some measures of the national and regional sectoral
the process
(e.g. environmental policy, housing policy, transport policy and regional policy) influence
of suburbanization signiicantly. The most important and the most powerful public pohcy related to
the process of suburblnization is spatial planning, which can influence new construction by legislative
tooli, but this policy operates mainly as a restrictive and streamlining tool.
no coordinated public measures to treat the effects of the suburbanization
In other *oidr, th"r"
"r"
process (Sykora, zoo1,\), so there is eflectively in place a'hands-off policy'. This status of public interu.rtiorrr'r.latedto the process of suburbanization is a consequence first of the fact that suburbanrzation is a very new phenomenon in the Czech Republic, accelerating since the second half of the r99os
politicians yet.
(Sykora, 1999; Sykora and Ouiednidek, zooT), hence it is not considered a problem by
!..o.ra, d;A;gth" ,99or the prevailing approach to urban development can be characterized as laissez
that
faire, inspired"by ideai of neol-iberal economlcs (Sykora, zoo6). Nevertheless, it can be presumed
in the near future it will be inevitable to pay more attention to making metropolitan development more
of what
sustainable. From this perspective, following interrelated policy choices can serve as examples
the
illustrates
Table
4
qr"r,io"r within public interventions policy-makers might be facing. Importantly,
emerged'
iey identified trade-offs in connection with suburbanizition from which policy choices have
At the beginning, the fundamental policy choice emerging from the identification of trade-offs
undertaken in
between the lifferent capitals lies in a question about whether a policy action should be
or
of
suburbanization,
impacts
order to influence future development with respect to negative/positive
should be advocated. Subsequently, when deciding on a Proper public
whether a laissez-fair"
"ppro".ti
development, it
development programme in order to intervene in favour of a selected way of future
would be their
needs io b" ,"solied whether restrictive or supportive measures will be engaged, or what
suitable combination.
intervenSimilarly, in the Czech case of suburbanization, first we may consider a choice that no public
public
Alternatively,
tion addressing the process of suburbanization in Prague hinterland is launched.
interventi6n is expeited and three options for public interferences were identified.
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Prague and tssue of Urban Sprawl
Trade-offs/capital
Man-made
capital
r03
Natural capital
Social
capital
l-1uman capital
Urban sprawl versus high number of non-revitatized
brownfields*
Social relations/polarization between denizens and
new dwellers
Social situation at socialist housing estates after
inhabitants with higher social status have
moved out
Increased intensity of usage of road system due to
increasing car usage versus environmental quality
4. The key trade'offs in Prague hinterland in connection with the suburbanization Drocess
Dark grey - increase in capital stock; light grey - decrease in capital stock.
*ln this case, as far as man-made capital is concerned there may be observed a decreasing tendency in its quality (in connection to e.g. further deterioration of brownfields in the inner city, as a result of uncontrolled urban sprawl) but also a increasing
tendency (e.9. construction ofnew houses in suburban areas and further infrastructure).
Table
-i
l--
i
z. Urban sprawl in hinterland of Prague - cluster of new houses built in greenfield area without any social amenities or
retail units (cluster near village of Zvole, South of Prague). Author: J. Blaiek.
Figure
Then, the first policy choice consists in the queslion of whether resfiictive measures within spatial
planning should be applied in order to prevent using greenfield sites for new commercial or even residentral development (see Figure 2). In addition, regulatory measures for new construction of both commercial and residential housing should be engaged in the framework of physical plans and particularly
strictly followed.
The second policy option opens the question about whether stimulative instruments (particularly
financial incentives) should be employed to support revitalization of disused areas (especially brownfield
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sites) in the inner city. Successful revitalization of such areas would have two principal elfbcts - an
obvious impact on the physical environment of the city, and creafion of suitable
=pr." fo. both large
shopping malls extensively constructed at the edge of the city (which is consequently changing the spatiil
behaviour of people) and housing units.
The third policy choice relates to the issues of social relationships, social polarization and social
inequalities arising from the physical revitalization of socialist housing estates. In Prague, a significant
proportion of inhabitants live in these dwellings, which need to be extensively renovated to meelmodern
standards (see Figures 3 and 4l.Instead of themselves investing in the reconstruction of flats and houses
in such estates, middle class inhabitants prefer to move out into suburban areas and acquire their own
family houses. This trend influences social relationships both in large socialist housing estate areas
(ghettoization) and in suburban areas, resulting in the spatial segregation of different social groups. One
option to avoid serious social problems would be more active public policy towards revitalization in order
to encourage people not to leave these dwellings. Naturally, it is a policy-making question whether public
policy should intensively support private housing and increase the 'private' man-made capital stock. It
can be presumed that a more active policy in favour of revitalization of socialist housing estates would
have positive effects across all the different types of capital, especially favouring the natural capital of
suburban areas (which are strongly affected by negative impacts of commuting), by concentrating the
revitalization of man-made capital in the already developed housing estates.
To summarize, policy choices for the case study of suburbanization are the following:
(r) policy off approach - no public interventions in order to influence the process of suburbanization
in the Prague hinterland would be launched;
(z) policy on approach - public intervention in direction to influence the process of suburbanization in
the Prague hinterland would be carried out
Figure
j.
-
Unattractive grey high-rise houses in socialist housing estates (Prague-Chodov)
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Figure
4.
"f
Prrgr
of Urban Sprawl
l05
Revitalized socialist housing estates (Prague -Zahradni Mdsto). Author: L. Sfkora.
(a) restnctive rne&sures - applied within spatial planning in order to prevent using greenfield sites
for new commercial or even residential development
(b) stirnulative measures - measures employed to support revitalization of non-used areas (especially
brownfield sites) in the inner city (e.g. within spatial planning procedure, legislative and financial
incentives)
- active public policy towards revitalization of socialist housing estates
people not to leave these dwellings.
in order to encourage
The kinds of public measure described above could positively influence sustainable metropolitan development. In contrast, if no policy actions are launched, the tendency towards unsustainable metropolitan development will be enhanced and the conflict between man-made and natural capital will be
reinforced.
Critical Trends and Thresholds
In respect of critical thresholds and trends in relation to suburbanization, it may first be noted that it has
been rather difficult to determine precisely the various critical thresholds in terms of concrete numbers
even though quantification of critical trends and thresholds is an integral part of the applied method
(ten Brink, zoo6). This is because, first, for most of the critical trends, the respective critical thresholds
cannot be defined at all (parficularly for those critical trends that are related to the social capital but also
for the otler capitals). Second, if a critical threshold could ever be set, it would undoubtedly differ on
various geographical levels. Moreover, a critical threshold might vary even within a certain geographical level, depending on locally specific conditions (e.g. a critical threshold in relation to the provision of
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public transporf from Prague to suburbanized areas or a critical threshold connected to the road system
capacity etc.). Therefore, our approach consists of an attempt to identifu the tendencies/trends and determine whether a trend is drifting towards even an albeit inaccurately defined critical threshold.
From the methodological point of view, a number of different thresholds can be distinguished:
.
.
thresholds given by legislation (e.g. limits for noise load, limits for emissions and concentrations)
thresholds objectively or technically given (e.g. maximum number of cars passing certain road
.
.
thresholds perceivable by society (e.g. rate of unemployment)
thresholds purely subjectively perceivable (e.g. level of crime, share of incoming inhabitants
segments)
in
a
community).
The identified critical trends were dassified according to the capital(s) concerned and according to the
hierarchical level on which they are most manifested (see Table 5). A significant number of the recognized critical trends in relation to the urban sprawl in Prague arise from the issue of transport, either
individual or public, both on local and regional levels. The most serious situation appears to be in road
network capacity. The capacity of'the road network on the regional level is closely linked with a negative
impact of suburbanization in terms of commuters who live in the hinterland of Prague. These inhabitants, usually with higher education, find job opporhrnities in Prague, and therefore they heavily use the
local and regional road network. Furthermore, even if the level of provision of public transport into the
suburbanized area can be assessed as satisfactory, suburban dwellers frequently prefer to use their own
cars, which intensifies road use. As the transport flows are concentrated into certain time periods and
certain localities, the result is traffic congestion, with considerable smog and dust emissions, as well as
noise. lt can be stated that the road network capacity is threatened by a critical trend, which might be
already nearly breached, especially at the regional level. For instance, the number of cars in z4 hours at
one of the most used roads in Prague, which is part of inner ring road, reaches rzo-r)oooo, while the
optimum would be below roo ooo. This is why environmental quality and intensity of usage of road
network, or more precisely of new ftansport infrastructure, was one of the key trade-offs identified in
Prague in relation to suburbanization.
There has been a long-running discussion about the development of transport infrastructure in Prague
(see also Pucher, 1999).Among principal factors limiting the development of road network capacity are
the financial costs and the rather complicated ownership situation of the required land. Moreover, the
possible construction of transport infraitmcture is nearly always opposed either by the public sector (e.g.
municipalities potentially affected by a new transport infrastrucfure) or by non-governmental organizations (e.g. particularly environmental or various civic organizations). In addition, some experts argue
that new infrastructure will even enhance the intensity of car usage. This argument is further related
to the already reduced car absorption capacity of the Prague agglomeration, because the problem with
individual car travel is also inevitably linked to the issue of parking space, particularly in the centre of
Prague.
New, not only residential, construction in suburbanized areas involves occupation of land, which
induces change in land use, change in the compact character of the city and transformation of outer
urban areas. These tendencies are hard to evaluate by precise numbers. However, from the expert point
of view, it can be claimed that all of them are threatened by critical rrends, mainly on the local and
regional levels.
It is currently preferred to build new housing outside the city of Prague on green fields, or at the
edge of the city where suitable plots are available. On the other hand, brownfield sites in the inner parts
of Prague are not revitalized at a sufficient pace. This situation could be seen as one of the trade-offb
and policy choices related to suburbanization (see the previous section); urban sprawl on one side, and
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of Prague and lssue of Urban Sprawl
Type of capital
concerned
Critical trends
Local
Regronal
National
Man-made
public transportation from Prague to
suburbanized areas
public transportation within suburbanized areas
(tangential links)
pressure on parking in the centre
provision of technical infrasrrucrure
maintenance of technical infrastructure
increasing land prices
road system capacity
revitalization of brownfields in the inner city
noise load
dust and smog emission load
traffic congestion
individual car use
change in the compact character of the city
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0
Man-made
Man-made
Man-made
Man-made
Man-made
Man-made
Man-made
Natural
Natural
Man-made,
Man-made,
Man-made,
Man-made,
natural
natural
natural
natural
Social
50cra
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Socia
I
50cta
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transformation of outer urDan areas
social relations between original residents and
new incoming residents
social polarization
loss of social cohesion and weakening of civil
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Man-made,
Man-made,
Man-made,
Man-made,
social
social
social
social
Man-made, social,
numan
Natural, human
Table
levels
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society
strengthening of individualization
change in character of retail services provision
spatial segregation of certai n functions
out-migration from the inner city
out-migration of inhabitants with higher social
status from socialist housing estates
provision of educational, sport and leisure-time
facilities in suburbanizeo areas
change in land use
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The key regional (critical) trends identified in connection with suburbanization in Prague on different geographical
Traffic lights method.
abandoned, derelict land and buildings in the compact city (brownfields), possibly encumbered by ecological burdens, on the other side.
Another severe critical trend that has manifested itself on a local level (see Table 5) concerns the provision of suitable educational, sport and leisure-time facilities for new residents, mainly young families.
In addition, the change in character of the retail sector in the outer urban areas further encourages
inhabitants to use large shopping malls, the expansion of which has almost brought about the downfall
of traditional small retail premises in villages and small towns.
Several major problems are connected to the process of suburbanization and involve questions of
social relationships among different groups of inhabitants and also within certain types of locality. First,
there is a critical trend of social polarization/relations among established residents and new residents
in suburbanized areas. Second, the social situation might be worsened in socialist housing estate areas
when inhabitants with higher social stafus move out. Even if the two problems mentioned have not
represented a serious problem in the Prague agglorneration so far, they might cause adyerse impacts
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l.
Blaiek et al.
on social relations and the intensity of social pathologies in the future, especially on the local level. Currently, the intensity of social relations between incumbents and new residents is very low. Nevertheless,
the two critical trends described above should be counted as among the key issues that prague is facing
in connection with its suburbanization process (cf. Table 5).
Review of the Nature
of Policy Choice
In the Czech Republic, municipalities have the principal power in territorial development issues. Parricularly with the help of physical planning, municipalities can control the locations and types of new
construction, functional land use and spatial relations among different functions (Sykora, zoo6). A
physical plan is regarded particularly as a tool for an increase of man-made capital stock, but also for
the enhancement of social capital. However, the procedure of elaboration and prrt ti. hearing in respect
of physical plans is highly technical. Neither predefined analysis of short-term and long-term impacts
nor cost-benefit analysis are explicitly required in preparation of a physical plan. Even if a physical plan
is not explicitly focused on socio-economic development, it is obvious that a physical plan has to (or
should) mirror strategic objectives set in a developmental strategy. Due to the fact that suburbanization
in the Prague hinterland represents a complex phenomenon related to many spheres and that it is not
tackled by any particular programming document or coherent urban policy, the evaluation of the decision-making process would have to be conducted across a wide range of public policies, in parficular
sectoral ones (e.g. housing policy including issues such as public support to mortgages and to housing
saving, construction of new municipal rented housing, instruments of spatial planning etc.). In fact, the
entire decision-making process takes place in a contradictory political context with almost no real effort
in practice to implement principles of sustainable development.
Conclusion
The experience gained during elaboration of this study can be summarized in the following points.
(r) The four-capital method combined with concepts of critical trends and critical thresholds can be
applied both during drafting of strategic programming documents and during their ex ante evaluation. In our case, we evaluated four key programming documents drafted for the city of Prague
(two of them were related to Stmctural Funds, the third was the Strategic Plan of Prague and the
remaining one was Prague's Innovation Strategy). Our analysis checked both internal and mutual
consistency of all these programming documents and find excessive stress on building of man-made
capital.
(z) Moreover, this method can be applied not only to different kinds of programming document but
also to the problems. In this case study, the four-capital method and critical trends and thresholds
have been applied to urban sprawl in the Prague hinterland, which is an issue that is not explicitly
addressed by any of the analysed programming documents. In the case of analysis of urban sprawl,
the method of evaluating trade-offs and critical regional trends within the four-capital model context
has proved especially useful and beneficial, helping to clarify the process of suburbanization to
policy-makers. In-depth interviews with several key stakeholders revealed that, in conjunction with
concepts of critical trends and critical thresholds, the four-capital model can restructure the debate
over the issue in question and provide new stimuli for solutions. Moreover, it can give urgency to
issues that might not have been regarded as problemalic.
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Regional Development of Prague and lssue of Urban Sprawl
r09
(3) T'his case study has shown that it is not essential to put an excessive accent on specification o1-quantitative indicators to identify thresholds of the critical trends. With respect to the probiem of data
availability, especially on lower geographical levels, and the difi'erent nature of critical thresholds
(see the typology in the previous section), it might be also productive to consult the opinions of local
experts, who may evaluate critical tendencies qualitatively. The most valuable and relatively straightfbrward applicatiorr of critical thresholds concerns - in line with expectations - nahrral capital.
(4) Finaliy, and perhaps most importantly, our analyses have shown that the four-capital nrodel combined with concepts of critical trends and thresholds can be especially usefully applied on local
and regional levels where trade-offs between different sorts of capital, as well as critical trends and
thresholds, are relatively easily comprehensible by both experts and key actors.
Acknowledgements
'fhis paper was carried out with the financial support of DG Research for the SRDTOOI-S project as well
as of Research Programme MSM oozr6zoS3r sponsored by the Czech Ministry of Education, Youth
and Sport. Financial support from both these grants is greatly appreciated by the authors.
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