Identifying outsiders across countries

Working Papers on the Reconciliation of Work and Welfare in Europe
Identifying outsiders across countries:
similarities and differences
in the patterns of dualisation
Silja Häusermann
Hanna Schwander
Reconciling Work and Welfare in Europe
A Network of Excellence of the European Commission’s
Sixth Framework Programme
Silja Häusermann and Hanna Schwander
Identifying outsiders across countries:
similarities and differences in the patterns of dualisation.
REC-WP 09/2009
Working Papers on the Reconciliation of Work and Welfare in Europe
RECWOWE Publication, Dissemination and Dialogue Centre, Edinburgh
© 2009 by the author(s)
The Working Papers on the Reconciliation of Work and Welfare in Europe series seeks to
promote the diffusion of research and research integration activities taking place within
the network and being produced by other researchers working on issues of work and
welfare in Europe.
Working papers are published either within the framework of a series of closed calls,
which follow the different stages in the life-cycle of the network’s activities, or as part of
an open call, which aims to privilege both research focussed on cross-national
comparative analysis of the various tensions between work and welfare and research
focussed on the role of the European level in addressing these tensions.
All papers are peer-reviewed.
The Working Papers on the Reconciliation of Work and Welfare in Europe are published
online by the Publication, Dissemination and Dialogue Centre (PUDIAC) of RECWOWE.
They can be downloaded at
http://www.socialpolicy.ed.ac.uk/recwowepudiac/working_papers/
RECWOWE / PUDIAC on the internet:
http://www.socialpolicy.ed.ac.uk/recwowepudiac
About the authors
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1
We would like to thank the participants of the Conference „The Dualisation of European
Societies“ (Oxford April 23rd to 25th 2009), and in particular David Rueda for helpful comments
on an earlier version of this paper.
2
Early works on the insider outsider divide (mostly in labour economics) based their distinction on
employment/unemployment only (Lindbeck and Snower 2001, St. Paul 1998, 2002). Rueda (2005,
2006) was among the first to also include temporary and involuntary part-time employment in the
conceptualization of outsiders (see also Davidsson and Naczyk 2009 for an extensive discussion of
this literature).
3
This conceptualization sets our definition apart from both more narrow ideas of outsiderness
relying on unemployment (e.g. Lindbeck and Snower 2001) or on “involuntary atypical
employment” (Rueda 2005) only; and from broader ideas of outsiderness that rely on “bad jobs” or
poverty more generally (Kind and Rueda 2008).
4
See also Emmenegger (2009: 6-8) who criticizes the operationalisation of outsiders in terms of
labour market status, because it neglects household relationships and because labour market status
is volatile.
5
Oesch (2006) advocates a pragmatic use of the notoriously contested concept of class: „class is
simply referred to as a proxy for similarity in the position within the occupational system.“ (2006:
13). We share this definition that eludes the normative discussions and implications of the concept
of class .
6
Thereby, the criterion of skills replaces the difference between blue- and white-collar workers, or
between manual and non-manual work.
7
The original classification is based on ISCO-4d codes, and the summary of five classes relies on
ISCO-2d codes. See table 1a in the appendix for the codes.
8
The level of disaggregation is, of course, a difficult question. We could divide the groups
according to additional criteria such as public/private sector or the migration/native background of
people. However, we decide to break the distinction down to gender and age only, because the
literature shows at least for some countries, that atypical work is strongly gendered and age-
Häusermann, Schwander: Identifying outsiders across countries
33
related. In addition, the sectoral distinction is to a large extent taken into account by the classscheme’s horizontal dimension.
9
Kitschelt and Rehm (2006) proceed similarly when arguing that „young less educated males” and
“young high educated women” are the two prototypical “new social risk-groups”. In an attempt to
be as systematic as possible, we analyze all all possible combinations of the relevant variables in
this article.
10
.I.e. part-time, unemployed, helping family member, housewife, houseman, see appendix 2.
11
Most of the analyses are differentiated for the four regimes, but we have done all analyses
separately for the continental countries France, Germany, Netherlands and Switzerland (which
turned out to be most affected and most varied in terms of dualisation) and we refer to these
individual country-results when noticeable differences exist. When nothing is mentioned, the
results hold consistently for all countries of the regime.
12
We rely on an individual-level (rather than household-) analysis, because we speak about
modern societies in which about half of the households are unstable over time. Therefore, we
assume that individuals’ life chances, preferences and behaviors should be explained with
reference to their individual biography and resources.
13
A similar spread of incomes can also be observed at the high-skill end of the employment
structure: despite similar skill-levels, female and young socio-cultural professionals earn
consistently less than their male and elder counterparts and as capital accumulators.
14
The equivalence principle is particularly strong in these two countries because both have
important second pillar occupational pensions, that are by definition precarious for atypically
employed.
15
Of course, this indicator is problematic because it strongly depends on the actual level of
unemployment, which differs strongly between the countries (see table 3.3), but it can be used as
an indicator of structural differences in the orientation of the policy.
16
In the Netherlands, only female and young LSF have rates of abstention that exceed the mean
significantly, but this is not the case of male and elder LSF. In France and the Netherlands, bluecollar workers do not have higher abstention rates than the average (analyses not shown).
34
Working Papers on the Reconciliation of Work and Welfare in Europe
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